VOICE & VIEWS
CBS LINE
CBS LINEVolume 4(7)
1. Your research has examined the impact of male out-migration on women who remain in Kerala households. In your view, how has migration transformed the economic and social roles of women in Kerala over the past few decades?
Respondent:Male out-migration, particularly to the Gulf, has deeply reshaped the daily lives and roles of left-behind wives. Remittances from migrant workers have substantially improved household income, living standards, children's education, and financial security. However, these economic gains have been accompanied by an important redistribution of household responsibilities.
Our research shows that left-behind wives have increasingly become household managers. They are responsible not only for domestic work but also for childcare, eldercare, financial management, and many family decisions that were traditionally shared with or undertaken by men. In effect, migration has expanded women's responsibilities without increasing their economic opportunities.
Our time-use studies further demonstrate that these women devote considerably more time to unpaid household maintenance and caregiving than women in non-migrant households. Consequently, they have less time available for paid employment, leisure, and personal care, creating what economists describe as time poverty. The challenge today is to ensure that greater responsibility is accompanied by greater economic empowerment.
Our research shows that left-behind wives have increasingly become household managers. They are responsible not only for domestic work but also for childcare, eldercare, financial management, and many family decisions that were traditionally shared with or undertaken by men. In effect, migration has expanded women's responsibilities without increasing their economic opportunities.
Our time-use studies further demonstrate that these women devote considerably more time to unpaid household maintenance and caregiving than women in non-migrant households. Consequently, they have less time available for paid employment, leisure, and personal care, creating what economists describe as time poverty. The challenge today is to ensure that greater responsibility is accompanied by greater economic empowerment.
2. While migration often improves household income through remittances, it can also increase the responsibilities borne by women. Based on your findings, how can policymakers ensure that the benefits of migration do not come at the cost of women's well-being and quality
of life?
Respondent:Migration should not be viewed only as a source of remittances. It should also be understood as a social process that redistributes work within families. Our studies show that while remittances improve household welfare, left-behind wives simultaneously experience increased domestic responsibilities, greater caregiving obligations and higher time poverty. Unless these hidden costs are recognised, the developmental benefits of migration remain incomplete.
Policy should therefore move in three directions.
First, investment in care infrastructure, including affordable childcare centres, eldercare facilities and community support services, would reduce women's unpaid workload.
Second, skill development, entrepreneurship support, and flexible employment opportunities should specifically target left-behind women so that remittances become productive investments rather than encouraging long-term economic inactivity.
Third, the migration policy itself should become family-centered. Programmes should include financial literacy, counselling, social protection and institutional support for migrant households, recognising that migration affects entire families, not only migrants. In short, migration policy should aim not only to maximise remittances but also to improve the well-being of those who remain behind.
First, investment in care infrastructure, including affordable childcare centres, eldercare facilities and community support services, would reduce women's unpaid workload.
Second, skill development, entrepreneurship support, and flexible employment opportunities should specifically target left-behind women so that remittances become productive investments rather than encouraging long-term economic inactivity.
Third, the migration policy itself should become family-centered. Programmes should include financial literacy, counselling, social protection and institutional support for migrant households, recognising that migration affects entire families, not only migrants. In short, migration policy should aim not only to maximise remittances but also to improve the well-being of those who remain behind.
3.Your work highlights issues of time poverty among left-behind wives. How significant is unpaid care work in shaping women's economic opportunities, and what measures can be taken to recognize and reduce this burden?
Respondent: Unpaid care work is a critical constraint on women's economic independence, heavily dictating their labour supply, occupational choices, and mobility. Despite its vital role in nurturing human capabilities and subsidising the broader economy, this work remains largely invisible, undervalued, and excluded from national income accounting (SNA). To recognize this burden, policymakers should regularly conduct time-use surveys to estimate the true economic value of unpaid domestic work. To reduce the burden and help women reconcile work and time, the public and private sectors must adopt flexible working hours and work-from-home facilities so that women can participate in the labour market without generating additional time stress.
4. Female labour force participation remains a challenge in many parts of India. From your research, what are the key barriers preventing women from entering or remaining in the workforce, particularly in Kerala?
Respondent: Women enjoy high educational attainment and good health indicators, yet female labour force participation remains comparatively low in Kerala. Our research identifies several interrelated barriers.
The first is the heavy burden of unpaid domestic and caregiving work, which significantly reduces the time available for paid employment. Second, migration increases household responsibilities for left-behind wives while remittances increase non-labour income. Together, these factors reduce incentives and opportunities for labour market participation. Third, patriarchal social norms continue to assign household responsibilities primarily to women, despite improvements in education and social development. Fourth, caring for young children and elderly family members places additional constraints on women's employment decisions. Finally, although higher education substantially increases women's probability of entering the labour market, education alone cannot overcome structural barriers created by unpaid work and gender norms.
The first is the heavy burden of unpaid domestic and caregiving work, which significantly reduces the time available for paid employment. Second, migration increases household responsibilities for left-behind wives while remittances increase non-labour income. Together, these factors reduce incentives and opportunities for labour market participation. Third, patriarchal social norms continue to assign household responsibilities primarily to women, despite improvements in education and social development. Fourth, caring for young children and elderly family members places additional constraints on women's employment decisions. Finally, although higher education substantially increases women's probability of entering the labour market, education alone cannot overcome structural barriers created by unpaid work and gender norms.
5.Looking ahead, what policy interventions or institutional reforms would you prioritize to promote women's economic empowerment while addressing the challenges associated with migration and changing family structures?
Respondent:Based on our research, we would prioritise five reforms.
First, unpaid household and care work should be formally recognised in economic planning. Time-use surveys should become a regular part of official statistics, and the economic value of unpaid work should inform public policy. Besides, Utilising agencies like NORKA to channel migrant remittances into local enterprises and entrepreneurial ventures, providing flexible wage-earning avenues that empower left-behind wives economically.
Second, governments/NGOs should strengthen the care economy by investing in childcare, eldercare, community kitchens and labour-saving public infrastructure. These investments reduce time poverty and expand women's choices.
Third, labour market policies should encourage flexible work arrangements, creating work-from-home, digital employment, entrepreneurship and skill development programmes specifically designed for women with family responsibilities.
Fourth, migration policy should move beyond remittances and incorporate family welfare, ensuring that left-behind women receive financial literacy training, counselling, social protection, and opportunities for productive investment.
Finally, long-term change requires transforming gender norms. Women's economic empowerment cannot be achieved unless unpaid domestic responsibilities are shared more equally between men and women.
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